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Budget | Bush &
Gore
Transition NoteTaker
The United States faces a transition in its Presidency following an
inconclusive, tightly contested election in November 2000. George W. Bush and
Al Gore have campaigned for months, only to deadlock in Florida.
Whatever the outcome, the Presidency will transfer from William Clinton
to his successor. These transitionary times raise a host of repercussions for
the study of public policy. I will treat some of them here.
My notes, presented in outline format, should help you understand some
of the important aspects of the transition.
- Although transition only happens every 4 to 8 years, it remains a
critical aspect of public policy.
- Inauguration set by Constitution as January 20, about 11 weeks after
election, so happens fast.
- Presidential Transition Act of 1963, proposed by JFK, provides office
space, communications, and slight budget. Most will work for free.
- Essential variable: Same party as in power? Contrast Gore with Bush.
Recall Reagan after Carter and Clinton after Bush
- Transition requires agenda setting and policy
formulation, so connects the two. Compressed time allows unusual
laboratory.
- Campaign has largely set agenda already through campaign commitments
--- often the basis of a claimed mandate ---, but now needs to act, moving
right through agenda to policy analysis.
- A shrewd anticipation done by Carter and Reagan: Set up transition
process outside campaign. Carter had 29 or so committees, rather cumbersome
since Carter wanted to screen everything. Reagan has set up Shadow Government
in San Clemente. See pp. 16-18.
- New president at his weakest:
- Exhausted from grueling campaign, often 2 years in duration.
- Personnel not in place.
- Campaign staff not necessarily best to govern, so pressure of
patronage must be sorted out.
- Time is short and public perception suggests that President has 100
days, the FDR standard, meaning results by May 1 or so. Perceptions will soon
be locked in place. Looming is next Congressional election, when party in power
usually gets clobbered.
- Most difficult transition has these characteristics:
- Change of party in power
- Prior presidential term was 8 years
- Divided government: Congress in hands of party not in power.
- Close election, so no clear mandate provided by landslide
election.
The Staff, Cabinet and Cast of 4,000
î
Congratulations, Mr. or, perhaps in the future, Ms. President,
you have won a great victory. The first tough call to make is this: Your
campaign staff must be essentially fired, even though they have worked
doggedly for you for years! Governing, not campagning, has become the agenda.
Yet, loyalty must be given and patronage has been expected. See p. 5.
- Choice of model between
- Strong or weak cabinet, with the latter the norm over the last 20
years. Ike last to use the Cabinet as staff, even with his overbearing chief of
staff. (Reagan fell asleep at Cabinet meetings and did not get names straight.
Nixon had scorn for the Cabinet as sychophants.)
- Which model of organization within the White House: strong chief
of staff or committees reporting to you like spokes of the wheel, as
done by JFK, Carter, and Ford, although it soon failed. Strong chief of staff
model now seen as only real choice.
- Access: Reagan most limited, Clinton and JFK most open.
- Chief of staff is the critical choice. Note that when Reagan switched
to Donald Regan from James Baker, along came Iran-Contra affair which damaged
Reagan's last 2 years.
- The President makes about 4,000 appointments, who must all be
screened, plus other vacancies, such as Federal judges and a myriad of Boards
and Commissions. The permanent government, totally distrusted especially
after switch in party, is viewed as hostile and threatened. New personnel must
often sell and buy houses, move family, and totally disrupt career paths. Not
easy, but time is short and events must happen quickly.
A major dilemma of the President-elect, especially if a shift in party
occurs, is that the lame-duck budget, presumably passed before the election,
will not give the new president his or her own budget for about 20 months ---
nearly half the term of office. The federal fiscal year, which starts in
October, has already begun, and the detailed and complex budget planning
process for the next fiscal year is well under way. There are other
constraints:
- Nearly 75% of the federal budget has been locked in, through
entitlements and required spending, such as interest payment on the national
debt. Discretionary spending comprises perhaps 25%, and changes there require
detailed bargaining.
- Budgets are estimates of future events, and the future will for sure
change. Revenue depends on the state of the economy, and most forecasts are
optimistic.
- Fiscal policy, the steering of the national economy, will intrude.
Since the new administration will inevitably be held responsible for the state
of the economy, spending and taxation will be used as aggregate policy
instruments, interfering with campaign promises and policy choices concerning
the specific components.
- The budget is not the property of the executive branch, although the
Office of Management and Budget works out of the White House. House and Senate
committees must be involved, and commitments have been made therein. If the
same party controls both the legislature and the executive branch, compromise
might be easier. Friction and complications make the budget process highly
contentious and cumbersome.
As I write, Florida has not been decided, so we do not know who will be
the next president. Bush enjoys narrow GOP control of Congress, but remains
outside. Gore enjoys continuity with the Clinton administration, but will
inevitably face gridlock in Congress. Either suffers from such a tightly
contested and controversial election. Claiming mandates will be
unconvincing.
Governor George W. Bush has been put at a major disadvantage:
- Period for his transition will have been cut short by Florida recount
and protocol to wait until results of election finalized, signified when Gore
again concedes.
- The close election and bad feelings all around will badly hamper his
transition. Many Americans already find outcome tainted, severely weakening
legitimacy of new president.
- Congress has been nearly evenly divided, although the GOP narrowly
controls the House but, if Bush is declared President, for the first time in US
history, the Senate is 50-50, with ties broken by the VP. Should Gore win, VP
Lieberman will leave his Senate seat and the GOP governor of Connecticut will
appoint a Republican. No matter, the Senate, like the House, will be
split.
- VP Cheney, a Beltway veteran, former chief of staff for President
Ford, runs transition.
- James D. Baker III, a neighbor of George Bush and former Reagan
Chief-of-Staff --- and probably the best in the biz --- has already emerged as
spokesperson for Gov. Bush
Vice-President Al Gore follows Clinton, so he remains comfortable
with allies in power. Much to do, but not nearly as demanding as Bush's
transition. He suffers from GOP control of House and Senate, as did
Clinton.
Notes re transition taken from Strategic Presidency by
James Pfiffner.